WRITTEN INTERVIEW BY PRESIDENT VLADIMIR PUTIN OF THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION WITH THE JAPANESE NEWSPAPER IOMIURI AND KYODO TSUSHIN NEWS AGENCY
1. /Iomiuri/ In July, for the first time after assuming your office as President of Russia, you will visit Japan to attend a meeting of the G-8 heads of state, and your official visit to Japan is planned for early September. What, in your opinion, should our countries do to develop the relations between Russia and Japan? What items on the Okinawa summit agenda do you see as the most significant?
A: A solid basis for the development of our bilateral relations is provided by the Moscow Declaration of 1998 which lays down guidelines for cooperation and describes the character of the relations between Russia and Japan as constructive partnership. During the summit meeting in St. Petersburg with Prime Minister Yoshiro Mori we confirmed the strategic importance of developing relations between our countries.
That process is making good headway. It is important to move forward without slowing down its dynamics.
We see Japan as a strategically important partner in the Asia-Pacific Region and in the world. We think that the expansion of the global economic and political influence of Japan will contribute to greater stability in the world and to the solution of many problems, including stabilization of the situation in the APR.
As for the G-8 summit, we expect that ways to solve the most topical world problems will be widely discussed on Okinawa. They include the strengthening of strategic stability, nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation, the prevention and settlement of conflicts, combating international terrorism and the development of information technologies. The Russian side intends to take an active part in the discussion.
2. /Iomiuri/ Among the tasks facing Russia today, the strengthening of state power as well as the preservation and development of democratic transformations obviously occupy an important place. Do you think these tasks are mutually complementary or mutually exclusive and which do you consider to be a higher priority?
A: The building of democratic society is an absolute priority of the development of the state of Russia. In the past decade we made a veritable "democratic breakthrough". We managed to ensure the basic values of a civilized state. People have learned to live in the conditions of democracy. They elect their government themselves, and they do so at all levels: from the president to the mayors of cities and small villages. Freedom of the mass media and freedom of expression have been and remain an immutable value of Russian democracy. These are our key gains and I am sure nobody can deny it.
But we are well aware that it is impossible to move forward along the chosen path without a robust, well-organized and efficient power at all levels. Only a strong state can uphold national interests, and guarantee the rights and freedoms of every citizen. And if necessary, to effectively protect the rights of citizens on the entire territory of Russia in whatever region they may live.
Of late the nature and possible consequences of the reforms which have already come to be known as the "federal package" have been the subject of discussion in Russia and abroad. And it has often been suggested that they may take our country back to the old system of governance and even lead to the establishment of a "dictatorship of the Center". I consider such fears to be totally groundless. The former methods of governing "all and sundry" from Moscow have proved to be untenable. And there will be no return to them. The reforms carry no threat to federalism. Such a state structure is sealed in the Russian Constitution and we will develop federal relations.
Today we have an opportunity to consolidate power, to break out of the vicious circle of a series of dead-end conflicts which impede the development of society and the state. And it is our duty to take advantage of this opportunity. The current transformations constitute an administrative reform aimed at strengthening power and making the powers of the Center and the regions more balanced and effective.
3. /Iomiuri/ For the first time in history a Russian head of state is going to visit the DPRK. What does Russia propose to do to achieve stability on the Korean peninsula?
A: Interaction with Korea is an important area of Russian policy in the Asia Pacific Region. This is prompted by the need to strengthen peace and stability on our Far Eastern borders. Russian attention to the way the situation develops in Korea is understandable because it is our close neighbor. We note the positive shifts there, especially the change of the approach of the North and South to inter-Korean political dialog.
In this connection, Moscow takes a positive view of the agreement reached at the inter-Korean summit in June. That summit may indeed become a milestone event in establishing a constructive inter-Korean dialog and ultimately moving toward the unification of the nation.
We believe it important to contribute to easing the tensions and confrontation on the Korean peninsula and normalizing the relations between the Republic of Korea and the DPRK. We proceed on the basis that maintaining balanced goodneighborly relations with the two Korean states will have a positive impact on the situation on the peninsula and on the Korean settlement as a whole. The relations between Russia and the DPRK are acquiring a new quality. The new interstate Treaty on Friendship, Goodneighborly Relations and Cooperation opens up good prospects for this. At the same time, we are committed to implementing a concept of mutually complementary and constructive partnership with the Republic of Korea in the 21st century.
4. /Kyodo Tsushin jointly with Iomiuri/ Under the agreement between the former leaders of Russia and Japan reached in Krasnoyarsk both countries will use their best efforts to conclude a peace treaty before this year is out. Do you think it is possible?
A: We proceed on the basis that the strategic nature of the relations between Russia and Japan, as we agreed with Prime Minister Yoshiro Mori in St. Petersburg, presupposes a long-term commitment, a stepping up of the whole set of bilateral ties (trade-economic, scientific-technical and cultural) and more active international cooperation and continued negotiations on a peace treaty.
It is this understanding, backed up by practical results that, in our view, may produce a mutually acceptable solution to the problem of the peace treaty, including the border delimitation. And we think that the approach we have chosen has already proved to be viable: the negotiations on the peace treaty have assumed the form of a direct dialog at the summit level. And this made it possible to pursue them in a broad framework and with a sense of responsibility for the choice that the two major powers such as Russia and Japan are to make. I would in particular like to note significant progress in the development of ties in the area of Southern Kuriles, which is key to the achievement of the agreement and which is important for creating a favorable atmosphere in the search for mutually acceptable solutions.
This year we will hold several meetings and talks with the Japanese Prime Minister Yoshiro Mori, most notably in the course of my official visit to Tokyo. We will continue discussing the entire range of issues in the Russian-Japanese relations, including the problem of the peace treaty. It would hardly make sense to predict the results of these discussions. But in any case, we will proceed in such a way as to make sure that they are welcomed by the peoples of our two countries.
5. /Exclusively for Kyodo Tsushin/ There have been signs recently of easing of tensions on the Korean peninsula. In this connection, what is your view regarding the plans to create a Japanese-American Theater ABM System and regarding the presence of American troops on the territory of the Republic of Korea? Are you going to put forward any initiatives on inter-Korean settlement? Is Russia going to try to persuade the leader of North Korea to renounce the development of missile technologies in the light of the positive changes taking place on the Korean peninsula?
A: I must say that Pyongyang is very wary of appeals addressed to it to show restraint in the missile field, viewing that as an attempt to bring about a unilateral disarmament of the DPRK and to deprive it of its sole deterrent.
Our basic position is that any country implementing missile programs should do so in strict compliance with international legal norms and should not pose a threat to anyone's security. Naturally, each state which feels concerned over this has the right to voice its concern. The negotiations between the US and the DPRK on nuclear non-proliferation are useful in this context.
We welcome the fact that in the context of these negotiations North Korea has introduced a moratorium on the tests of ballistic missiles. We believe that the settlement of the North Korean missile problem is possible by implementing our idea of creating a global system to control non-proliferation of missiles and missile technologies. We believe that the possibilities at a negotiated settlement that are opening up in this connection render unjustified the references to the North Korean missile threat made by the advocates of a Theater ABM in North-Eastern Asia and a national anti-missile defense system in the US. The strengthening of the nuclear non-proliferation regime in Korea is only possible if the DPRK is offered real security guarantees. In that case, its missile program will cease to be the main means of ensuring its national security.
Now about the Russian position on the presence of American troops in South Korea.
The Russian view is that the issues pertaining to the presence and status of US troops on the Korean peninsula are important for ensuring the security in North-East Asia, a region that is vital for the national interests of Russia. While holding this topic under constant review we carefully watch the course of its discussion, the approaches of the DPRK, the Republic of Korea and the US.
Recognizing the legitimacy of the inalienable rights of the North-East Asian states to individual and collective self-defense under the UN Charter we believe at the same time that the exercise of these rights should fully conform to the common interests of lessening military and political confrontation, strengthening the climate of trust and dialog in the region and should not pose threats to anyone's security. It is from this angle that we will assess the role of the American presence in Korea.
July 18, 2000
Moscow